Are Genocidal Perpetrators Ordinary Men or Ideological Monsters

Are Genocidal Perpetrators Ordinary Men or ideological MonstersThe term racial extermination was coined by Raphael Lemkin as a response to the pack murder of Jews, Jehovahs Witnesses, Romani, homosexuals and other minority demographics discriminated against and ultimately murdered on a mass scale in Nazi occupied Europe in the 1930s and mid-forties. Prior to Lemkins definition, the Holocaust was, as Churchill described it, a disgust with step to the fore a predict (J iodins, 20068). Lemkins definition described the crime as the remainder of a nation or an ethnic company (J wizs, 200610) and was later follow by the newly formed United Nations in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948) which in Article 2 defined the crime as acts committed with intent to destroy, in all in all or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious gathering including murder causing serious bodily or mental disability to members of the group deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to sour about its physical destruction in whole or in part imposing measures intended to prevent births inwardly the group or forcibly transferring children from the group to a nonher.The question arises however, as to how individual perpetrators of genocide could be considered pattern or ordinary and non the diabolical of their actions a indicate summarised by Matthus as ordinary men vs. natural born(p) killers (1996134). We label the perpetrators of crimes we deem particularly heinous because, as Waller argues a macro instructioncosm in which ordinary mint would be capable of comical evil is simply too psychologically threatening (199612) and incomprehensible because we fail to get over something about them (Dudai 2006699). Following the Holocaust, much academic research was conducted across doubled disciplines in an attempt to explain how an otherwise out fightdly normal somebody could be, or become, a perpetra tor of genocide.Goldhagen explained the actions of perpetrators of the Holocaust as based all in all on the entrenched historical anti-Semitism within Germany and much(prenominal) a monocausal translation is sufficient (1997416) however his thesis assumes that the studyity of German citizens believed in this political orientation and focuses exactly(prenominal) on the genocide of European Jews. Conversely, Browning (2001), Bauman (2009) and others beget argued that the actions of individuals atomic number 18 a response to their immediate tender surroundings and that their billet in the companionable structure of power structure has a far great impact on complicity. Mann, however, bridges these two central agreements as to why perpetrators commit their crimes. Firstly, the individuals were peculiar people, either ideologically motivated or queasy perhaps by mental ill- health or as a pass on of their upbringing, c arer path or marginalised lifestyle. Secondly, the indiv iduals were gravidly ordinary provided bigoted, trap in a coercive and comradely organization, trapped within a bureaucracy or pursuing material goals (2000232-3).Utilising complaisant-psychological studies, sociological and historical research, it forget be shown that where genocide occurs, the individual perpetrators who actively participate in acts of squeeze play or murder are largely normal, healthy human beings who move to the micro complaisant situations and organizations in which they find themselves. Although the research focuses primarily on the Judaic Holocaust of Nazi Europe, other twentieth ampere-second genocides lead be considered to assess whether political theory was the primary factor across the spectrum. A critique of Goldhagens thesis of eliminationist anti-Semitism will be presented to discuss that this was the wider, macro social surround of genocide exactly was non the fix reason why individuals were complicit.The Macro, Ideological ApproachDud ai argued that the ideology of genocide is the macro social environment in which perpetrators act (2006). Accordingly, ideology was central to genocidal policies of the twentieth coke racial as in the case of the Turkish genocide in Armenia or the Serbian genocide of Muslims against a class for example in the Communist genocides in Russia, Cambodia and during Maos Great Leap Forward in chinaware or an intertwining of both as with the Holocaust (2003176-177). Societies in which delirium is consider and an acceptable form of achieving goals are more than than seeming to utilise madness by the state as a means of social suppress (Staub, 2002 55) for example, Germany had a strong use of violence to manage the unruly during the Weimar state (Rafter, 2008) and Russian Communists show violence to be valuable and necessary (Staub, 200254) and were in that locationof more likely to be violent and aggressive in mark to achieve their ideological goals.William Gladst single claime d The precise worst things that men hold up ever done, reserve been done when they were performing acts of violence in the name of religion (Jones, 2006400). Staub argues that pluralistic societies are less likely to be predisposed to narrow ideology as individuals are offered a more item-by-item perspective without fear of ostracism or physical danger (2002235) whence suggesting that without the rigorous hierarchy and oppression of genocidal states, individuals whitethorn exact the ability to distinguish non to participate. Where genocide takes step up, a movement of othering takes place whereby the persecutors believe themselves to be superior and their enemies, the others, inferior. Howard Becker defined the outsider as the individual or group who fail to abide by the chemical formulas of his wider social group, imposed by the insiders. To be an outsider does not require a specific act but is a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions (Becker, 1 96811).Anti-Semitism had existed for centuries in Germany and across Europe foregoing to the Holocaust however, the concept that eliminationist anti-Semitism (Goldhagen, 199771) was a shop irresolute belief is passing discredited. Goldhagen infamously argued that the Germans had for centuries harboured homicidal animosity towards Jews which lead to 80-90 percent of the German population under Nazi rule wanting to murder them (1997541) although he presents no evidence for this assumption. European anti-Semitism was partly a run of Christian dogma regarding Jews as the killers of Christ and unbelievers early in the bosom ages, perpetuated by the education of Christian children in the shepherds crookity and inferiority of Jews (Staub, 2002101). Although the Christian Church had never outwardly called for the destruction of the Jewish faith, the Church had make the Jewish people a symbol of unredeemed humanity it varicolored a picture of the Jews as a unsighted, stubborn, carnal , and perverse people (Blass, 199344). Mann study fifteen hundred biographies of perpetrators of the Holocaust in an attempt to explain who these people were, finding an unexpected correlation between Christianity and Nazism whereby those who identified with the Catholic Church were disproportionately represented as perpetrators (2000347). Similarly, the Christian Armenians had, for centuries lived under despotic Ottoman rule and under aspects of Moslem law. Under Islamic obliging law, Muslims enjoyed the full rights and duties of citizenship whereas dhimm, non-Muslims, were to be endured with great inequality between the two groups (Akcam, 20077). Edicts dating corroborate to the sixteenth century tell that the dhimm were unable to testify against Muslims in court or marry Muslims and they were unable to ob come their religious practices if it would push Muslims, in that locationfore building new churches or ringing bells was forbidden and repairs to actual churches requir ed official permission from the state. Physical othering to a fault took place to observe non-Muslims as socially lower than their Muslim counterparts where houses were not to be build juicyer than Muslims, valuable materials such as silk were not to be worn and head and footwear were to be coloured red (Akcam, 20079).In Rwanda, Jones argues that the high rate of conversion in religion to Islam from Catholicism was a result of Islamic rejection of participation in the genocide and the rescuing of Tutsi (2006400).However, secular ideology brook be as destructive as fundamentalist, extremist religious ideology in the instigation of genocide (Jones, 2006400). Indeed, secular ideologies brace underpinned twentieth century genocides (Jones, 2006400). If Goldhagen is considered to be incorrect in his assertion that traditional and historical eliminationist anti-Semitism was the sole reason behind the Holocaust, new ideologies must also be considered as to the macro social background behind genocides in the twentieth century. Stalins Russia, Maos chinaware and the Khmer Rouges Cambodia were based on Marxist Communist theory which, although written decades preliminary to the genocide, ca utilize new political revolutions in which individuals fought for a new role in society. Maslow identified cultural differences in synergy, the extent to which individuals forfeit their own gains and fulfil themselves by contributing to a common good (Staub, 200251). As one Stalinist perpetrator argued, with the rest of my multiplication I firmly believed that the ends confirm the means. Our great goal was the universal triumph of Communism, and for the sake of that goal everything was allowable to lie, to steal, to destroy hundreds of thousands and even millions of people (Jones, 2006401). However, universality of acceptance of the new regimes was not the case. Davis argues that Stalins terror famine and the famine of Maos Great Leap Forward were the culmination of violenc e and cleanup spot of the peasantry, designed to break independent spirits and force subordination (Shaw, 200339). Furthermore, resistance to the movements became common with some families choosing suicide over animate under Communist rule and subsequent starvation, by choosing to kill line of descent rather than hand it over to the Communist party or being part of violent uprisings (Shaw, 200355). If one considers the role of capitalist, democratic ideology in recent warfare, enforcing this ideology in other countries has, in some instances been very unpopular. The anti-Vietnam movement, for example, demonstrated against the United States bombing of Cambodia as part of the war on Communism in Vietnam (Shaw, 2003202) and there were similar demonstrations against the early twenty-first centurys war in Iraq which held the intention of restoring democracy to the Iraqi people but was highly unpopular with British citizens.Goldhagen argues, with no supporting evidence, that the bystan ders of Kristallnacht, the infamous pogrom in 1938, believed this would serve the Jews right because the absence of evidence is evidence it ego (Augstein, 1998157) however if antisemitic ideology was as traditional and prolific in other European countries as Goldhagen argues, the thesis neglects to reason why for the majority of Europe, it took Nazi invasion or annexation to give rise to such eliminationist attitudes. In Italy where anti-Semitism was rife, it was solo when the country attempted to further their allegiance to Germany that anti-Semitic policy increase (Rafter, 2008302). Conversely, Czechoslovakia for example had a long history of anti-Semitism with pogroms and the forced remotion of Jews into a ghetto in the Josefov district of Prague dating back to the thirteenth century but had made no outward attempts to deliberately exterminate the Jewish population. Moreover, if the eliminationist anti-Semitic ideology was so powerful in Germany, Goldhagen, in acknowledging tha t without the sparing depression the Nazis would apply never come to power, fails to consider why the enkindle desire to eliminate the Jews was not acted upon sooner (Finkelstein, 199742). Responses to Nazi occupation alter greatly both within occupied areas and globally for example, Jan Karski infiltrated the state of warsaw ghetto and Belzec compactness camp, escaping to London with hundreds of documents detailing the genocide taking place but many, Jews include, found the actions unbelievable (Jones, 2006399) and early reports following the liberation of Auschwitz were disbelieved by the British media who only reported their findings after other global media had verified and reported. Furthermore, if the ideology was so entrenched in society and traditionally sensed as a threat, Goldhagen fails to acknowledge why many Jewish citizens of occupied Europe did not attempt to emigrate sooner, believed the Nazi propaganda detailing their resettlement at take form camps and that the fuck up chambers in extermination camps were shower facilities as testimony from those survived the concentration camps and particularly those who worked in the Sonderkommando (special units of concentration camp captives who worked in the gas chambers and crematoria) describes (for example Venezia, 2009 Mller, 1999 Haas, 1984). Moreover, Goldhagen fails to explain why the eliminationist ideology apace dissipated (Goldhagen, 1997593-4) following the fall of Berlin and Nazi rule.Propaganda and indoctrination are highly used in genocide to spread the state ideology across the masses. For example, propaganda in Nazi Europe and indoctrination of Argentinean soldiers to promote character, honour and pride (Staub 2002214). Coupled with the perceived threat of Communism, propaganda was highly used against the Jews, portraying them as not only racial inferiors but as assisting in Bolshevism (Jones, 2006267). Indeed, perpetrators were more likely to have originated from the threaten ed b dos of the Reich where anti-Bolshevism and anti-Semitism were great (Mann, 2000348). Similarly, the Hutu portrayed the Tutsi as gory foreigners intent on exterminating the Hutu (Valentino, 200535) by means such as the intercommunicate and the extremist Hutu newspaper, the Radio-Tlvision Libre des Mille Collines and Kangura respectively, and calling on Hutu to follow the infamous Hutu Ten Commandments calling for vigilance against the Tutsi enemy (Jones, 2006237). The 1972 genocide in Burundi of Hutus was a theme of Hutu political discourse and used in an attempt to invoke fear in the Hutu population, that if the Tutsi were not destroyed, the Tutsi would destroy the Hutu (Valentino, 2005183) for although there was little evidence of fear and repugnance between the two groups prior to the 1994 genocide, the conflict was engineered (Valentino, 200557). Ideological propaganda bed be received by individuals divergently however. Franz Stangl, commandant of Treblinka believed pr opaganda was used by the Nazis to condition those who actually had to carry out these policies to make it possible for them to do what they did, further tilt that the primary designer for genocide was for Nazi control of Jewish money and property (Semelin, 2003270).Self-concept is a large factor in the ideology of genocide. Germany had lost a large proportion of their territory following their defeat in World War I, a war fought to gain the power and advantages Germany felt up were owed to them, and the subsequent pact of Versailles. Hitler subsequently blamed the Jews for the loss of the war and, owing to the Sonderweg (special status of the country) (Elias, 1996438) declared that Germany needed more Lebensraum (living space) resulting in the invasion of many countries across Europe to regain land which was seen as belonging to Germany. Moreover, individuals whitethorn have a strong sense of belonging to a group, identified for or against by visible symbols, education and other means (Staub, 2002253). Self cooking stove is reinforced by the relationship to the others, the outsiders who have been deemed a threat by the social group. For example we may consider the attitude of the British in their war efforts in World War II or the social responses to terrorism in semblance with genocidal action where a threat (whether strong or imaginary) is posed by one social group against some other a unity of identity forms.Racially unclean social groups in Nazi occupied Europe, including the mentally and physically ill, were deemed inferior and inherently sad based on biological criminology and alterations to Lombrosos Born Criminal thesis (Rafter, 2008). Where the Weimar land had been a series of turbulent governments and viewed as soft on crime, a more authoritarian policy on crime and criminals was called for by conservatives. Hitler was, Goldhagen argues, not seen as a madman but a politician to be taken seriously (Augstein 1998157). With biological evidence collected by the Criminal-Biological divine service in Bavaria that these groups were the cause of crime within the state, the ideological policies became incorporated into the criminal justice system, further perpetuating the image of the Jew as inferior and a potential difference threat to the German way of life.The Micro, Bureaucratic and Hierarchical ApproachAn citation of ideology must therefore be considered to underpin the rationale of genocide. Browning, in arguing a multi-causal rationale of the Holocaust acknowledges the deluge of racist and anti-Semitic propaganda (Jones, 2006270), however he also questions the role of obedience, peer pressure and obligation. Arendts newspaper on the Banality of Evil impacted greatly on the apprehension we have of perpetrators of genocide, drawing focus away from the pathological and towards more social explanations of their actions (Dudai, 2006700), followed by Bauman who argued that cruelty is social in its origin much more than it is characterological (Bauman, 1989116).Prior to multi-disciplined research into the psychology of perpetrators, individual participants were believed to be mentally ill. Goldhagen reinstates this claim, arguing that the anti-Semitic ideology made the Germans pathologically ill, struck with illness of sadism diseased, controlling and sadistic (Goldhagen, 1997397). Blass discusses a dispositional approach to the individual pathologies of the perpetrators in that they may be in some way mentally unhealthy (Blass, 199337). Rorschach ink-blot tests were conducted on Nazi draws prior to the Nuremberg streaks in 1945 to conclude that they were of a clear-cut group and were not psychologically normal or healthy individuals (Blass, 199337). However, the findings have largely been discredited with Kelley arguing that the personalities displayed were not unique or possessed(predicate) and could be duplicated in any country of the world today the tests were not blind and the researchers c ould therefore have been biased in their analyses and where blind analyses were conducted there was individuality of results that contradicted the conclusion of a uniform distinction setting by the perpetrators (Blass, 199337). Where Eichmann had been perceived by Arendt and Wiesenthal to be normal and acting under orders, blind analyses of personality tests revealed him to be sadistic and violent in his hostility, quite paranoiac and a criminal with an insatiable killing intention (Blass, 199337). Finkelstein rebuts this claim, arguing that a homogeneously sick society would act as an alibi for the perpetrators for who can condemn a crazy people (Finkelstein, 199744). Arendt, who was present at the trial of Eichmann found him to be normal and there to be potentially an Eichmann in every one of us (2005113).Nazi ideology and German goal in the 1930s and 1940s were strongly affiliated with the concept of obedience, therefore as Berger notes, the first commandment in indoctrinating Nazi youth was the leader is always right (Blass, 199333).The Holocaust in Nazi Europe took place under a strict bureaucratic regime with a meticulous division of labour and linear graduation of power (Bauman, 200998). Those face up with the projection of forthwith murdering enemies were the mercenarys at the end of a long bureaucratic range leading to Himmler, the head of the SS and Heydrich, the head of the Einsatzgruppen. The practical and mental distance afforded to those at higher levels of the bureaucracy who may have had little experience or knowledge of the true nature of the delegated orders was not the case for those whose office it was to interpose at point-blank range in the Einsatzgruppen or pour in the poison Zyklon B pellets into the gas chambers (Bauman, 200999).The obedience that allows the subordinates of a hierarchy to commit murder is therefore of critical importance. A psychological explanation offered by Blass is that of a situational perspective, wher eby forces outside of the individual, largely from the social environment such as the position in a hierarchy and subordination can explain seemingly deviant or counter normative demeanor as a result of the immediate situation (Blass, 199331). Blass argues that the results of Milgrams obedience tastes are representative of the causal relationship between the immediate situation and the reactions of individuals. Milgrams experiment consisted of asking the subject to apply increasing atomic number 23ages of electric shock to the savant should they answer a question incorrectly in 15 volt increments up to 450 volts, ominously marked XXX. 65% of subjects subjected the learner to the highest levels of voltage and he concluded that individuals could become doers in a terrible destructive process out of a sense of obligation, through the course of their jobs and without any hostility towards their victim (Blass, 199333). Responsibility for any harm caused was relinquished to the legit imate authority, the examiner, and the subordinate subject was no longer guided by conscience but the extent to which they obey the orders of authority (Blass, 199333). Similar experiments were carried out throughout the seventies including that of Ring, Wallston and Corey who found a 91% obedience rate in applying wicked sound to a learner, even when the experiment appeared to go awry and astonishment even the experimenter (Blass, 199334).In the well-documented experiments conducted by Zimbardo, individuals were randomly labelled as prisoner or guard and were to carry out these roles in a controlled environment for a period of time. Those labelled as guards, knowing they were overseeing individuals who were had in no way been labelled as inferior prior to the experiment, became overly longing in their positions and when physical violence and humiliation was utilised against the prisoners, the experiment was halted on ethical grounds. Zimbardo concluded that the dominant position ing within the hierarchy allowed sadistic demeanor to be elicited from non-sadistic, normal people who would exert violence on their equals because their social positioning allowed them to (Valentino, 200544-46)Two social-psychological theories attempt to explain the actions of genocide perpetrators whilst obediently following orders. The concept of the divided-self considers that the self, our personality and conduct remains whole but a second self is created or activated in a new situation. Conversely, unitary-self theories argue that there is a single self which becomes altered as a result of the societal forces, situations and organisations (Waller, 199612). Lifton uses examples of The Strange casing of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde or the comic, loony toons in his analogy of the divided self in that when presented with a situation of distress, a character such as Clark Kent transforms into his alter-ego of Superman to save the world (Waller, 199613). Clark Kent remains the primary self but Superman, the substitute self, becomes activated and controls the behaviour of the body and mind. A variation of this dissociation may be doubling where the two selves are separate with no conflicts and where good standards are annulled (Waller, 199614-15). Auschwitz survivors have described some of the doctors as two polar people (Waller, 199626) For example, The Nazi doctor, Mengele who performed pseudo-medical experiments on Auschwitz inmates asked children to call him uncle and would appear to behave with kindness, compete with them and giving them luxuries of sweets and chocolate only to continue to perform his experiments and murder (Nomberg-Przytyk, 1985104). Steiner also noted differing psychosocial types which only present under certain conditions for example the tie will not be apparent until an environment allows for or causes the exclude (Blass, 199343). Bauman similarly notes a difference in personalities dependent upon the extraordinary situations in wh ich one finds oneself. Recounting the studies of Le Monde, survivors of a hijacking had a high incidence of divorce owing to individuals seeing their partners in a different light good husband were selfish, the brave business man displayed cowardice and the resourceful fell to pieces(Bauman, 20096). The journalist questioned which face of the survivors was their true self the skipper or their selves during the hijacking and concluded that neither was more true than the other. The normal good face was apparent in ordinary settings and, but for the extraordinary circumstance of the hijacking, the other self would have remained dormant (Bauman, 20096). Milgram contended that in conform to the orders of a superior, an agentic state is created where the individual operates on the behalf of their superior and thus becomes an agent of their will. Similar to Steiners psychosocial types and Baumans analogy of the hijack victims, Milgram argues that this state lies dormant until it is requ ired that one will act under orders. However, unlike Liftons doubling, the agentic state avoids an inner good conflict by toggling between the autonomous and agentic states (Waller, 199616).More contemporary social psychology has adopted a strategy of the unitary self. When an individual is faced with actions which are inconsistent with their exampleity, they must either alter their behaviour or their personality as inconsistencies between the two cause individuals to feel lush (Waller, 199616). In certain situations, including the rigid hierarchy of the SS where each individual was accountable to an immediate supervisor (Bauman, 2009100), changing ones behaviour may not be possible or desired as individuals who hid or aided a Jew were punishable by death (Staub, 2002165) as were moderate-Hutu in Rwanda (Jones, 2006238). Fear is arguably a motivation for compliance. As Augstein criticised Goldhagen, he had grown up in an American democracy and could not imaging the conformist pre ssure and moral cowardice which took place under Hitlers dictatorship (Augstein, 1998153). In Cambodia, one survivor talked of his complicity in the violence theoriseing Collaborate? Everyone do what Khmer Rouge say no one want to be killed (Baum, 2008158). Therefore in order to remain consistent, the manifest conformity to rules and orders may lead to a change in the self (Waller 199616). Waller furthers this argument by stating that there are tierce catalysts to the internal changes in the selves of direct perpetrators of genocide devaluing and dehumanising the victim and blaming them for their own pathetic the escalating of commitments to a cause and learning by doing. The process of dehumanization was raised(a) in the Rwandan context by Hatzfeld as one perpetrator felt they no longer regarded the Tutsi as people as the killing escalated (200547). eyepatch Goldhagens answer to the Germans murder of the Jews was because they wanted to, Foster, Haupt and de Beers answer to th e political violence in South Africa was because they felt entitled to (Dudai, 2005703). Entitlement would imply an option of redeeming behaviour by the victims however victims of genocide are not persecuted because of what they do rather, who they are. Routinisation of actions are argued to facilitate genocide, for example Hatzfeld quotes one Rwandan informant who claimed I struck a first blow. When I saw the blood bubble up, I jumped back a step later on we go used to killing without so much dodging around (Hatzfeld,200523)and repetition caused the perpetrators to become more and more cruel, more and more calm, more and more bloody (200550). Furthermore, Waller argues that coerced behaviour is rarely internalised however when our initial attitudes are weak, the initial act may result in a change of attitude (199622).The attitude of ones superiors could directly influence the behaviour of the subordinates. For example the police sergeant, Hein, was never seen to hit or humiliate a Jew, participate in mass-killings of Jews, or be dirty in his treatment of Jews. Furthermore, those under his command could abstain from the mass-shootings. However, self notification theorists seek to explain Heins following of official requirements for Jews to stand whilst he was academic session as an attempt to maintain an appearance of conforming whilst inwardly rejecting the ideology (Matthaus, 1996141). Goldhagen argued that the cruelty of the perpetrators of the Holocaust was nearly universal (Valentino, 200552) however a impress number of the Einsazgruppen refused to participate, perhaps twenty to thirty percent in comparison to the less than thirty percent who presented themselves as enthusiastic and the remaining members who dutifully adopted their roles within the system (Valentino, 200554). During their first mass killing in Lithuania, the Schutzpolizei (urban police) members of one Einsatzgruppen (mobile killing unit) dropped out of the act because they knew some o f the victims or could not stand the mental pressure. Furthermore, doubts were raised regarding the legality of the killings and justifications were made amongst themselves that one generation has to go through this so that our children will have a correct life (Matthaus 1996136).However, obedience need not be in a downward, linear direction but obedience to ones peers. Browning argues that for some members of a police battalion faced with the mass-shooting of Jews, comrades not participating would be seen to choke the dirty work to their comrades, risking isolation, rejection and ostracism which, in the tightly knit regiments, would have been an uncomfortable prospect (Valentino, 200546). Similarly, a unity existed between the Hutu, using lexis as comrades and patriotic brothers (Hatzfeld, 200512). Where Browning argued members of the Einsatzgruppen existed in a reverse morality where those who avoided killings were regarded, by themselves included, as cowards, in Rwanda, a suppo rtive comrade would assist when one perpetrator felt unable to participate that day whilst the individual would leave with other useful tasks (Hatzfeld, 200574). Hilberg argued that the methods for genocide of European Jews in the 1930s and 1940s were not suggested entirely by those further up the hierarchy major ideas could be produced by those at a lower level of responsibility and approved by superiors to become policy (Blass, 199337).Manns biographical study of perpetrators included an examination of the previous job positions held by individuals prior to Nazi rule and found correlations between Nazi policy, related institutions and individuals within them. For example, a distinguish Nazi policy was racial purity, ensuring the Aryan race was free of those considered undesirable, initiation early in the rule with the T4 experiments to euthanize those with mental or physical health problems. Correlating with this policy, Mann found 13.53% of his sample to have been previously e mployed as health care workers. Rafters assertions of Nazi racial policy impacting on German criminology and policy within the Criminal Justice System correlate with 22.29% of Manns sampled perpetrators holding previous practice session in the military, police or prison system, 12.92% having held employment in accomplished administration and 3.38% having worked in the legal field (2000350). Individuals may therefore have acted in an agentic state towards the Nazi ideology because this was their profession and they were caught up in the hierarchy and bureaucracy.In instances of revolution and rapid-paced political change, however, an anomic theory where a lack of social position and role in a hierarchy, as a